Executive Summary:
Asaib Ahl al-Haq (AAH) is an Iranian-backed Shiite militia and political party operating primarily in Iraq, as well as in Syria and Lebanon. The group is implicated in numerous acts of sectarian violence and potential war crimes in Iraq and Syria.
Formed in 2006 by Qais al-Khazali, AAH has between 7,000 and 10,000 members and is one of the most powerful Shiite militias in Iraq. Until the U.S. military withdrawal from Iraq in December 2011, AAH launched more than 6,000 attacks on American and Iraqi forces, including highly sophisticated operations and targeted kidnappings of Westerners. The group seeks to promote Iran’s political and religious influence in Iraq, maintain Shiite control over Iraq, and oust any remaining Western vestiges from the country.
AAH broke away from the Mahdi Army (JAM), the militia run by influential Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, in 2006. In August 2007, the U.S. designated AAH a “Special Group,” a label given to Iranian-backed Shiite militias operating in Iraq. On January 3, 2020, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that the U.S. government would designate AAH as a Foreign Terrorist Organization. AAH is one of three prominent Iraqi Shiite militias funded and trained by Iran’s external military wing, the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). AAH overtly displays its loyalty to Iran’s leaders, including the current supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and his predecessor, the late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. In Iraq, and reportedly in Syria as well, the group operates under the command of Iran’s Quds Force. Following the January 3, 2020, assassination of Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani in Iraq, AAH joined with other Iranian-sponsored Iraqi militias in vowing revenge on the United States.
Following the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq in December 2011, AAH announced its intention to lay down its weapons and enter Iraqi politics. The group opened a number of political offices and religious schools and offered social services to widows and orphans. According to a Reuters report, “The model [AAH] uses is Hezbollah in Lebanon,” another Iranian proxy.
The Shiite-led Iraqi government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki reportedly welcomed AAH into politics, noting that Khazali had “committed no crime under Iraqi law” and was therefore “welcome to play a role in public life.” According to analyst Sam Wyer, AAH “expanded at an unprecedented and alarming rate.” The group formed a political bloc, al-Sadiqun (the Honest Ones), and ran under al-Maliki’s State of Law bloc in the April 2014 Iraqi national elections, winning one seat. AAH’s political branch has since sought to distance itself from the group’s militant branch, accused by international human rights organizations of various war crimes. In an effort to soften its image, AAH has removed the rifle from its official logo and has begun referring to itself as the “Asaib movement.” In May 2017, the group earned a license to operate as a political party and run in the next Iraqi elections under its own name.
Since entering politics, AAH has not fulfilled its vow to halt armed resistance, instead continuing to carry out sectarian violence, execute homophobic attacks, and threaten the “interests” of Western countries participating in strikes in Syria. One of AAH’s Syrian offshoots—the IRGC-backed Harakat al Nujaba militia—is reportedly the largest Iraqi militia operating in Aleppo, where reports of war crimes against Sunni civilians are widespread. Another AAH offshoot, Imam Ali Brigades, dispatched forces to both Aleppo and Palmyra in 2016. AAH forces are themselves reported to maintain unofficial units in Syria under the direct control of Qasem Soleimani. Meanwhile, the group is itself suspected of carrying out war crimes, alleged to be behind a series of abductions, killings, and torture targeting hundreds of Sunni boys and men in Iraq’s eastern Diyala province. AAH has also recruited former ISIS members in the province, who are used to stoke anti-Kurdish violence in the areas under its control.
AAH is one of the leading militias in Iraq’s anti-ISIS volunteer forces, Haashid Shaabi (also known as the Popular Mobilization Forces/Units or PMF/PMU). Despite reports of sectarian atrocities and war crimes, AAH and other PMF militias—including the Badr Organization and the U.S.-designated Kata’ib Hezbollah—were formally recognized by Iraqi Parliament in November 2016. In January 2018, AAH, Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH), and the Badr Organization joined with other PMF units to form the Fatah Alliance political party in preparation for Iraq’s May 2018 elections. The alliance won 47 parliamentary seats in the election, though the parliament soon after initiated a manual recount. In June, Fatah formed a coalition agreement with Muqtada al-Sadr’s Sairoon Alliance, which won the Iraq elections. Following a country-wide recount, AAH was awarded 15 seats in the parliament. This new coalition places Fatah—and by extension AAH—in a position to influence the new Iraq government. Under the newly formed government, AAH member Abdul-Amir Hamdani was given the position of minister of culture. On July 13, 2018, Iraqi protesters in the country’s south attacked the political offices of AAH and other Iran-backed groups as they called for Iran to withdraw from Iraq.
On July 1, 2019, Iraqi Prime Minister Adil Abdul Mahdi issued a decree ordering the militias of the PMF to choose between full integration into the Iraqi armed forces or disarmament by July 31. The prime minister’s decree stated that the PMF factions had to choose between either political or paramilitary activity, and if they choose politics they would not be allowed to carry weapons. The decree was an attempt by Abdul Mahdi at curtailing the autonomy of Iranian-backed militias, which boast more than 120,000 fighters. Some critics suggested the United States and Saudi Arabia instigated the decree after U.S. officials concluded that drone attacks on Saudi Arabia’s oil pipeline in May 2018 were launched from Iraq, not Yemen, which raised the concerns over the activities of Iran-backed militias in Iraq.
U.S. officials want the Iraqi government to do more to rein in Iranian-allied militias that have grown in power since they helped win the war against ISIS, including preventing them from using Iraqi territory as a launchpad for attacks against the American military or its allies. According to Mahdi’s decree, all PMF factions must abandon their old names and receive new names in compliance with the regulations of the Iraqi army. The decree forbade political parties and parliamentary blocs from having ties with the PMF. Also, all the headquarters, economic offices, and checkpoints manned by militias are to be shut down. Unlike other leaders in the PMF, AAH’s leader Qais al-Khazali supported the decree. Abdul Mahdi issued a new decree in September 2019 that restructured the PMF’s leadership.
Doctrine:
AAH is a religiously motivated group with allegiance to Iran. The group is demonstrably anti-American and sectarian in its ideology.
AAH seeks to establish an Islamist, Shiite-controlled Iraq and promote Iranian objectives. While AAH has origins within the Iraqi Sadrist movement, the group is openly loyal to Iranian leaders, most notably the Ayatollahs Khomeini and Khamenei. Similarly, AAH shows deference to the Guardianship of the Jurists (velayat-e faqih), a judicial system that serves as one of the cornerstones of Iran’s Islamic Revolution system. Writing for the Institute for the Study of War, analyst Sam Wyer characterizes AAH as a Khomeinist organization that aims “to create a suitable environment for the return of Imam Mahdi through the imposition of strict Shi’a Islamic governance.” Wyer’s assessment is corroborated by Guardian Middle East correspondent Martin Chulov, who writes that AAH is a “proxy arm of the Revolutionary Guards’ al-Quds Brigades, whose main brief is to export Iran’s 30-year-old Islamic Revolution.” AAH is also ideologically aligned with Iranian proxy Hezbollah, a Shiite Lebanese terrorist group.
AAH is also virulently anti-American, a stance that has not abated since the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq in December 2011. In March 2015, for example, AAH boycotted the Haashid Shaabi (Popular Mobilization Forces) attack against ISIS in Tikrit because AAH rejected U.S. airpower support. By the end of the month, AAH only agreed to rejoin the battle after Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi promised that the U.S. would stop its airstrikes. AAH Spokesman Naim al-Aboudi said that the prime minister “realized this battle can’t be finished” without AAH and other militias, demonstrating AAH’s continued prioritizing of its anti-American position above its other goals.
As a Shiite, Iranian-backed group, AAH also follows and implements a sectarian ideology that has deepened the fault lines between Sunnis and Shiites. According to Martin Chulov, AAH leader Qais al-Khazali’s speeches have galvanized “thousands” of Iraqi Shiites to fight for Assad’s regime in Syria, worrying many Iraqi communities about “a sectarian conflict that increasingly respects no border.” In August 2012, AAH militants reportedly bombed the Sunni Sabatayn Mosque in Iraq, an attack that stirred a new wave of sectarian tensions in the country. Since then, Human Rights Watch has documented numerous AAH attacks on Sunnis in Iraq in which AAH militants target Sunni mosques or towns. In December 2016, AAH leader Qais al-Khazali was interviewed on Iraqi TV saying that “[a]fter ISIS, Kurds are the greatest problem.” In response, a representative from the Kurdish Peshmerga ministry said that Khazali is responsible for “behead[ing] hundreds of Iraqis based on [their] ethnic or religious identity” and asserting that he “must be tried for these crimes.”
In line with this sectarian strife, AAH members have reportedly appropriated the derogatory term rafidah (a pejorative meaning “rejecters” that some Sunnis use for Shiites) as a badge of honor and “self-identity.” A January 2014 Foreign Policy piece reported that on an AAH linked-webpage, AAH proudly identified its fighters as rafidah “as a sign of mocking defiance against their foes.”
Ahead of the May 2018 Iraqi elections, AAH updated their website with a new political platform that reflected a more moderate position. The core of AAH’s platform is achieving “the supreme interests of the Iraqi state in preserving its sovereignty and guaranteeing its freedom in its decision-making, achieving social and economic welfare, and stabilizing the security of our people according to the available capabilities.” Yet while AAH voices support for the Iraqi constitution, the group argues that it “was written in particular circumstances and contains several paragraphs that must be reviewed and adapted to align with the nature and need of the Iraqi people.” AAH’s platform also denounces the use of violence to “impose convictions” on the population and calls for respecting “religious, sectarian, and national diversity.” Lastly, while they make no explicit reference to Iraq’s relationship with the United States or Iran, they claim that “there is a real need to review the working machinery for the Iraqi embassies and representatives in all of the countries of the world and appointing ambassadors and diplomatic personnel.”
AAH has so far taken no actions to support these new positions.
Organizational Structure:
AAH is led by its founder, Qais al-Khazali, who broke off from the Mahdi Army (a.k.a. Jaysh al-Mahdi or JAM), a Sadrist militia, in 2006. According to a 2012 report by analyst Sam Wyer, Khazali sits on AAH’s five-person board of trustees along with two deputies. As an Iranian proxy, AAH coordinates with senior Iranian commanders, notably IRGC-Quds Force leader Qasem Soleimani.
AAH first began as a military unit within JAM. With the 2003 Iraq War, AAH reorganized into battalions assigned to four sectors: Baghdad, Maysan, Najaf, and Samarra. When Khazali made AAH an independent group in 2006, he retained this structure. AAH’s military arrangement is thought to be based on fellow Shiite militant group Hezbollah, with which the group has close ties. Within the PMF structure AAH operates three brigades, the 41st, 42nd, and 43rd. AAH dominates the northern Baghdad belts and the southern Salah al-Din region of Iraq, including Taji, Dujail, and Balad. AAH also has economic and political power in the area from Samarra to Baghdad.
Since the U.S. withdrew its forces from Iraq in December 2011, AAH has expanded significantly into politics, “opening a string of political offices” throughout Iraq, according to the Washington Post. AAH runs two political offices in Baghdad, and others in the Iraqi cities of Basra, Najaf, Hillah, al-Kalis, and Tal Afar. AAH has also sent political representatives to the southern Iraqi provinces of Dhi Qar, al-Muthanna, and Maysan to meet with tribal and minority leaders. In the April 2014 parliamentary elections, AAH ran in alliance with Prime Minister Maliki’s Dawlat al-Qanoon (State of Law) in a political bloc known as al-Sadiqun (the Honest Ones). In addition to political operations within Iraq, AAH has also conducted political outreach outside of Iraq’s borders, AAH has maintained maintaining political representation in Beirut since early 2011. Despite reports of sectarian atrocities and war crimes, AAH and other PMF militias (including the Badr Organization and the U.S.-designated Kata’ib Hezbollah) were formally recognized by Iraqi Parliament in November 2016. In May 2017, AAH received a license from the Iraqi government to operate a political party under its own name.
In addition to operating in Iraq, AAH militants have also reportedly operated in Syria under the command of IRGC Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani. The group’s Syrian offshoot—IRGC-backed Harakat al Nujaba militia—is the largest Iraqi militia operating in Aleppo, dispatching an estimated 3,000-4,000 fighters to Aleppo. Another AAH offshoot, Imam Ali Brigades, dispatched forces to both Aleppo and Palmyra in 2016.
AAH has continued to expand its influence in Iraq during the fight against ISIS. In March 2017, AAH leader Qais al-Khazali gave a speech calling for an Iraqi university run by the PMF paramilitary forces. As Khazali said, Iraq needs a “strong and effective ‘PMU University, through which we could address our enemies and tell them, ‘If you fear us now, you must know that the PMU is present in every university, college and department.’” Analysts have noted with concern that the call appears to mimic Iranian-style “cultural revolution” tactics from the 1970s. Following Khazali’s remarks, he released a statement saying that Iraqi students “need to organize their ranks, which would allow them to overthrow any corrupt government or regime.”
In January 2018, AAH, Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH), and the Badr Organization joined with other PMF units to form the Fatah Alliance political party in preparation for Iraq’s May 2018 elections. As a member of the Fatah Alliance, AAH exerts political influence in Iraq’s government. Prior to the elections, Khazali claimed that “the next prime minister will be someone chosen by the Fatah Alliance or selected in accordance with conditions set by the Fateh Alliance.” In May, the alliance exceeded expectations, winning 47 parliamentary seats in the election. The following month, Iraq’s parliament ordered a manual recount of the 11 million votes amid claims of fraud. Notwithstanding, on June 11, the Fatah Alliance formed a coalition government with Muqtada al-Sadr’s Sairoon Alliance, which received the largest number of parliamentary seats in the elections. The coalition placed Fatah in a position to obtain high-level government positions and have a final say in who will be Iraq’s next prime minister. AAH, specifically, won 15 parliamentary seats in the May 2018 Iraqi elections, an increase from the one seat it won in 2014. One of AAH’s victorious candidates, Hassan Salam, was a former field commander in Sadr’s Mahdi Army who oversaw violent anti-Sunni gangs and later helped send Shiite jihadists to Syria. In June 2020, AAH succeeded in swaying new Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi to sack his nominee for Iraq’s cultural minister in favor of a candidate selected by AAH, Hassan Nadhem.
Beginning in the spring of 2019, new Iran-backed militias appeared to emerge and claim responsibility for attacks against U.S. interests in Iraq. Foreign policy and media analysts in Iraq and the United States questioned the validity of claims from these groups based on suspicions they were recycling old video footage and claiming attacks without evidence. AAH extensively utilizes front groups to claim attacks against Iraqi and U.S. military targets while concealing its own involvement in such operations. Ashab al-Kahf (“Companions of the Cave,” AK) is one of the oldest of these front groups, first appearing in 2019. It has been linked to both AAH and Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH). AK has claimed credit for IED attacks on convoys since March 2020. It has also claimed a November 17, 2020, rocket attack on Iraq’s U.S. Embassy and a February 15, 2021, rocket attack on Turkish forces. In August 2020, AK denied it has ties to AAH or any other militias. Nonetheless, that December the group declared it would unleash street violence if AAH ordered it. In an August 1, 2022, statement, AK accused NATO, the United States, and the United Kingdom of enflaming political tensions in Iraq and threatened to attack their embassies and military bases in Iraq and around the Middle East. Another front group, Liwa Thar Muhandis (LTM) (“Revenge of Muhandis Brigade”), emerged in 2020 with claims of rocket attacks on U.S. forces on May 6 that year at Baghdad’s airport and an April 17 missile attack on U.S. helicopters. While the group has been suspected of links to both AAH and KH, some analysts suspect it has no capabilities for actual attacks and is used only to claim attacks.
Islamic Resistance in Iraq
Following the onset of the Hamas-Israel war in the Gaza Strip in early October 2023, an umbrella group called the Islamic Resistance in Iraq (IRI) claimed responsibility for an October 17 failed drone strike on an U.S. air base in Irbil, northern Iraq. The IRI is reportedly a coalition of all Iran-backed Shiite militias operating in Iraq. Among the groups included are AAH, Kataib Sayyid al-Shuhada (KSS), Kataib Hezbollah (KH), and Harakat Hezbollah al-Nujaba (HHN), as well as lesser-known militiassuch as Tashkil al-Waritheen. The IRI targets U.S. elements across Iraq and Syria in retaliation for the United States’ perceived role in the Gaza war. The IRI carried out at least 20 more attacks by the end of October. By January 2024, the IRI had carried out more than 100 attacks against U.S. targets in Iraq and Syria.
Financing:
AAH has received training, arms, and financial support from Iran, particularly through Iran’s external military branch, the IRGC-Quds Force, as well as from Iran’s Lebanese proxy Hezbollah. Colonel Rick Welch, a retired U.S. Army intelligence officer, said that during the 2007 U.S. surge in Iraq, Iran was giving AAH “$20 million a month or some outrageous figure like that” in order to train AAH fighters. After U.S. forces withdrew from Iraq in December 2011, the financial pipeline from Iran continued. As of 2012, Iran was giving AAH $5 million in cash and weapons per month, according to an Iraqi close to the group. As of March 2014, the group was receiving an estimated $1.5 million to $2 million a month from Iran.
AAH receives arms primarily from Iran and Russia, according to findings by Amnesty International. In January 2017, Amnesty International outlined various human rights abuses documented by AAH and other extremist Shiite militias in Iraq, and called upon foreign states to cease their “irresponsible arms transfers” to the extremist groups. Amnesty International noted that AAH stands accused of egregious human rights violations and possible war crimes, including a wave of enforced disappearances, abductions, killings, and torture of Sunni boys and men. The group also stands accused of employing child soldiers, potentially as young as 11 years old.
Recruitment:
AAH has recruited thousands of fighters, including child soldiers, according to findings by Human Rights Watch. Fifteen-year-old Muthanna Qasim al-Kibali, for example, was killed in October 2015 while fighting alongside AAH.
AAH recruitment focuses on two strategies: traditional propaganda efforts to raise the group’s profile, and a comprehensive religious system aimed to indoctrinate and recruit members. AAH has also emulated groups like ISIS by using social media to expand recruitment throughout the Middle East, South Asia, and the West. The group also owns and operates Iraqi TV channel al-Aahd.
One of the main ways AAH draws recruits is by advertising itself as a protector of the Shiite community within Iraq and abroad. AAH uses posters and issues calls for recruits on Iraqi television stations, often emphasizing its connection with Iran and Hezbollah. One AAH member said that he was drawn to AAH because it was “protecting the Shiite community inside Iraq and abroad as well.” In the past, the most important galvanizing point for Iraqis to join AAH and go to Syria to fight alongside Assad forces was the defense of the Sayeda Zenab shrine, a Shiite holy site in a Damascus suburb.
AAH has seized homes and offices in Baghdad in order to establish recruiting centers where would-be volunteers could go to join other Shiites fighting in Syria. In southern Iraq, posters urge men to join the fight in Syria with other Iraqi Shiites and provide a hotline number to call. In August 2012, AAH distributed over 20,000 posters with AAH’s logo; a photograph of Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei; and a photograph of the late Iraqi Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Mohammad Sadeq al-Sadr. The posters were plastered on buildings and billboards and also used in street demonstrations.
AAH’s second, but perhaps most comprehensive, recruitment strategy is a religious activism and education system. The group has used two mosques in particular, the Sabatayn mosque in Baghdad and the Abdullah al-Radiya mosque in al-Khalis, as hubs for recruitment. AAH leaders give sermons at these mosques, advocating social and religious reform in Iraq in an attempt to entice attendees into joining, financing, or otherwise contributing to AAH’s mission.
AAH has expanded its reach through a network of religious schools known as the “Seal of the Apostles.” These schools, spread throughout Iraq, serve as propaganda and recruitment facilities for the group. As with its military and political structures, AAH also appears to be emulating Hezbollah by launching social services programs for widows and orphans. In March 2017, AAH leader Qais al-Khazali gave a speech calling for PMF influence in the Iraqi university system, and specifically calling for a “PM[F] University.” Analysts have noted with concern that the call appears to mimic Iranian-style “cultural revolution” tactics from the 1970s. AAH’s recruitment efforts are funded in large part by Iran.
Training:
Iran’s IRGC-Quds Force trains AAH in addition to funding and arming the group. AAH’s training program reportedly resembles that of Iran’s Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah. As of March 2014, AAH was receiving an estimated $1.5 million to $2 million from Iran a month. U.S. Colonel Rick Welch said that during the 2007 U.S. surge in Iraq, Iran was giving AAH “$20 million a month or some outrageous figure like that” in order to train its fighters.
In the past, AAH militants have received training from Lebanese Hezbollah operative Ali Mussa Daqduq. The Quds Force placed Daqduq in charge of overseeing training for Iraqi Shiite militants in the region, including AAH fighters. From 2005 to 2007, Daqduq was particularly instrumental in recruiting and training AAH fighters.
In June 2014, following calls for volunteer fighters from the Iraqi government and Iraq’s highest Shiite religious authority, Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, there was a surge in Shiite volunteers to join the fight against ISIS. Many found their way through AAH recruiting centers in Iraq. According to an Iraqi source from 2014, AAH recruits aiming to join Assad forces in Syria are sent to Iran for approximately two weeks of training before going off to fight.
Also Known As:
- Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq
- Ahl al-Kahf
- Al-Sadiqun
- Band of the Righteous
- Bands of Right
- Bands of the Righteous
- Honest Ones
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- Islamic Shiite Resistance in Iraq
- Khazali Faction
- Khazali Network
- League of Righteousness
- League of the Righteous
- People of the Cave
- Special Groups
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